трогательное поздравление с юбилеем женщине от семьи
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трогательное поздравление с юбилеем женщине от семьи, Why Armenia Is Seeking to Normalize Relations With Turkiye | Carnegie , Türkiye–Armenia rapprochement advances, but peace hinges on Baku, Armenian PM’s visit signals possible breakthrough in Türkiye ties, Prime Minister and Carnegie Endowment representatives discuss Armenia , Armenia prioritizes diplomatic ties with Türkiye for peace, economic , Analysis: Shadows and Sunlight: Armenia and Türkiye Seek Common Ground, Trump Holds the Key to Armenia-Azerbaijan Peace | Carnegie Endowment .
Russia EurasiamoreTopics & RegionsTopicssee all topicsRegionssee all regionsEnglishEnglishРусскийCarnegie Russia Eurasia CenterBerlin, GermanySee All TopicsSee All RegionsSource: GettycommentaryWhy Armenia Is Seeking to Normalize Relations With TurkiyeArmenia is intensifying its diplomatic outreach to Türkiye, betting that improved ties could either unlock a peace deal with Azerbaijan or at least help prevent another military flare-up along its tense borders.EnglishРусскийEnglishLink copiedby Published on July 1, 2025blog Carnegie Politika is a digital publication that features unmatched analysis and insight on Russia, Ukraine and the wider region. For nearly a decade, Carnegie Politika has published contributions from members of Carnegie’s global network of scholars and well-known outside contributors and has helped drive important strategic conversations and policy debates.Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan recently made a historic trip to Istanbul: the first official visit by an Armenian leader to Türkiye. He was received at Dolmabahçe Palace, once a symbol of Ottoman power and now a hub of regional diplomacy, hosting everything from Ukraine talks to Syria outreach. Armenia’s message was clear: it acknowledges Türkiye’s rising influence.This shift marks a major turn. Armenia and Türkiye lack formal diplomatic ties and have long distrusted each other. Earlier efforts at rapprochement collapsed amid the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan from the 1990s, in which Armenia opposed any Turkish role. In the 2020 war, Türkiye decisively backed Azerbaijan—both politically and militarily—helping to secure Baku’s victory and deterring Russian involvement.With no Ankara backchannel, Pashinyan watched Turkish drones fly near the Armenian capital. The decision to sideline Türkiye had backfired, senior Armenian officials acknowledged, pushing Ankara squarely into Baku’s camp.Post-war, Armenia recalibrated. Normalizing ties with Türkiye became a foreign policy priority. Within a year, special envoys met. When a major earthquake hit Türkiye in 2023, Armenia quickly sent aid. That same year, Pashinyan met Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, signaling a thaw. Pashinyan also made symbolic gestures, such as recognizing Palestinian statehood shortly after a call with Erdoğan, aligning with Ankara during its tensions with Israel over Gaza.Armenia’s outreach has also taken a cultural turn. Pashinyan has urged Armenians to move beyond the notion of a “historical Armenia” that includes lands now within Türkiye, including Mount Ararat, long a national symbol. Instead, he is promoting Mount Aragats, a dormant volcano within Armenia, as a new national symbol, and emphasizing reconciliation over resentment.Despite these steps, the road to normalization remains rocky. Three years ago, special envoys agreed to open the border and launch direct trade, and ministers discussed cultural cooperation. Yet the border remains closed, and even symbolic steps—such as exchanging ambassadors—have not materialized.Behind the delay lies a deeper political knot: Türkiye wants Armenia to finalize a peace treaty with Azerbaijan first. Baku and . But Azerbaijan is demanding that Armenia amend its constitution to remove references to a 1990 declaration that asserts a claim over Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenia concedes that the clause is outdated and symbolic, but says that removing it will require a referendum, which would likely take two years. After almost thirty-five years of conflict, Azerbaijan appears willing to wait.Türkiye, meanwhile, is playing a long game. Officials see open borders and trade as a way to deepen Armenia’s economic dependence and boost Ankara’s regional influence. But loyalties are clear: Azerbaijan comes first. Symbolically, Erdoğan hosted Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev just a day before Pashinyan’s visit. The Turkish and Azeri leaders are close: Aliyev even campaigned for Erdoğan during his difficult 2023 re-election bid. Amid economic headwinds, Baku’s investments in Türkiye have become increasingly vital.Still, both Ankara and Yerevan seem intent on keeping dialogue alive—if only to prevent the worst. The Armenia-Azerbaijan border remains volatile, with some military positions only meters apart. Azerbaijan holds key high ground and enjoys clear military superiority. Analysts warn that a fresh offensive could split Armenia in two within a couple of days.To avert disaster, Türkiye has been engaging behind the scenes. When tensions have spiked, Ankara has reportedly dispatched delegations to Baku urging restraint. Some Western diplomats view Ankara’s efforts as part of a broader push to rebrand itself as a stabilizing force in the region.Paradoxically, Türkiye may now be the only regional actor capable of restraining Azerbaijan. Russia’s influence has waned with its Ukraine war, and Iran is distracted by its crisis with Israel and the United States. For Armenia, Türkiye—once seen purely as a threat—is increasingly viewed as the last line of regional deterrence.These developments may also yield other tangible benefits. One key issue stemming from a possible peace deal is transportation across the South Caucasus. The so-called Middle Corridor aims to link Asia and Europe, and part of it could theoretically pass through Armenia, connecting Türkiye, Azerbaijan, and Central Asia.For Armenia, participation is crucial. Its borders with Türkiye and Azerbaijan have been closed since the 1990s, leaving it excluded from major transit and energy routes. After the 2020 war, Yerevan launched the “Crossroads of Peace'” initiative, seeing reopened borders as a chance to overcome its isolation and revive historical transit links.Azerbaijan wants to begin by opening a southern route, which it calls the “Zangezur corridor,” through Armenia to its Nakhchivan exclave. While the 2020 Russian-brokered ceasefire envisioned some form of Russian oversight, Armenia now insists on full control over any corridor, including customs and security. Baku, however, remains skeptical and refuses to invest in a route it sees as vulnerable, for example, to political changes in Yerevan. It is therefore demanding a third-party guarantor to ensure long-term stability. Türkiye reportedly agrees, though Armenia still hopes Ankara will ultimately accept its sovereignty over the route.The closest the sides came to compromise was under EU mediation. Brussels proposed a model based on the post-2008 Georgia–Russia precedent, in which an independent foreign operator manages the logistics of routes through the disputed regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and shares data with all parties. While the context differs, the mechanism was deemed workable. But the EU-led negotiations stalled amid renewed border clashes and the 2023 crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh that ended its existence as an ethnic Armenian enclave.Today, the only player capable of reviving talks may be the United States. The Trump administration—eager to showcase its global conflict resolution efforts—has reportedly floated a new plan like the EU model but grounded in American strategic logic: U.S. business participation as a stabilizing force, akin to a recent deal on rare metals in Ukraine.Washington appears determined to push forward. One option is to pressure Baku to drop its constitutional demands—perhaps by inviting Aliyev to the White House. But more realistically, it may lean on Yerevan to accept the U.S. model, even if doing so delays the final peace and leaves the borders formally closed.Though still early, one U.S. official has expressed cautious optimism. “Maybe President Donald Trump will even win a Nobel Peace Prize for it,” he said—apparently in earnest.Conflict analyst in the South Caucasus, specializing in security, peace processes, and foreign policy.Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.blog Carnegie Politika is a digital publication that features unmatched analysis and insight on Russia, Ukraine and the wider region. For nearly a decade, Carnegie Politika has published contributions from members of Carnegie’s global network of scholars and well-known outside contributors and has helped drive important strategic conversations and policy debates.Conflict analyst in the South Caucasus, specializing in security, peace processes, and foreign policy.More work from Carnegie PolitikacommentaryA long period of relative peace means the Kremlin does not see a power transition in Chechnya to be as risky a prospect as it once did.commentaryVostok Oil is touted as a major greenfield oil project, but it has—so far—focused on building an Arctic port, and a pipeline from the aging Vankor cluster.commentaryGermany’s new government identifies the Ukraine war as the core lens and organizing principle for engaging with Russia—not the other way around.commentaryThe increasingly erratic Russian president appears to be out of touch with reality and in denial of his advanced age—and no one in his inner circle wants to tell him.commentarySupport for a single political force in Moldova means the EU’s reputation there is increasingly tied to the fate of the Party of Action and Solidarity. Brussels already made a similar choice back in the 2010s—and it has backfired.Get more news and analysis fromCarnegie Russia Eurasia Centersubscribe© 2024 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved., Armenia is intensifying its diplomatic outreach to Türkiye, betting that improved ties could either unlock a peace deal with Azerbaijan or at least help prevent another military flare-up along its tense borders., On June 20, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan paid an official visit to Türkiye, his first since taking office, and a first for any Armenian leader since the country’s independence from the Soviet Union. The visit came against the backdrop of renewed efforts to recalibrate regional diplomacy..
The planned visit marks the first time an Armenian prime minister will travel to Türkiye for talks at this level, a milestone in the fraught relationship between the two neighbors who have long been locked in political and historical disputes., The discussion focused on the peace process between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the border delimitation process, the potential for unblocking regional communication channels, and, in this context, the Armenian government’s "Crossroads of Peace" project., Armenia is focusing on establishing diplomatic ties with Türkiye as a key step toward regional peace and stability. Continued efforts aim to remove regional blockages, especially with Azerbaijan and Türkiye, while unlocking economic opportunities., Prime Minister Pashinyan's trip to Türkiye on June 20 follows hard on the heels of President Aliyev's recent trip to Ankara, generating a choreographed diplomatic rhythm underscoring Türkiye's position as a marshalling power behind two parallel peace tracks., But over the past few years, both countries have been trying to push back against Russia: Azerbaijan by developing close military alliances with Türkiye and Israel, and Armenia by engaging in frequent public spats, as well as limiting Russia’s military presence in the country., Though the Protocols were never ratified, the monograph offers suggestions for revitalizing diplomacy aimed at opening the Turkey-Armenia border to normal travel and trade..